BRUSSELS ― A series of fatal drug-related shootings in the heart of the city, which is home to the EU’s institutions, highlights the severe decline of Brussels: a city grappling with bankruptcy, rampant violence and crime, and a political landscape in disarray.
In just the first month and a half of the year, 11 shootings resulted in the deaths of two individuals and injuries to four others. The violence shows no signs of abating. What was once unthinkable has become a grim reality, underscoring the urgent need for decisive political leadership.
Unfortunately, Brussels lacks such leadership.
Belgium’s convoluted political framework features a complex system of governance, each layer often embroiled in internal conflict. When functioning properly, the system serves its purpose, but dysfunction leads to paralysis. This is especially true in the Brussels region, where, nine months post-election, political leaders remain at an impasse with no government in sight.
This political chaos has exposed not only the inefficiencies in Brussels’ crime-fighting efforts but also the risk of delays in constructing essential social housing and major infrastructure projects. Key subsidies for charities, NGOs, and cultural initiatives are frozen, while funding for social welfare programs, police, and local authorities remains uncertain. Public debt is accumulating at a pace rivaling the garbage piling up on the city’s streets.
“The survival of Brussels as a city is at stake,” stated Christophe De Beukelaer, a centrist MP.
The scandal of €4 million a day
Beyond the tourist-clogged neo-gothic Grand-Place, quaint chocolate shops, and lively beer halls, lies a city teetering on the edge.
If Brussels had an operational government, controlling the city’s spending would be its foremost challenge.
The capital’s debt exceeds €14 billion, not accounting for the projected additional €1.6 billion this year. Belgian newspaper Bruzz reported that the deficit—the gap between expenditure and revenue—is escalating by €4 million daily.
De Beukelaer, who attempted to rejuvenate coalition discussions last month, expressed frustration. In the months following the election, politicians have yet to engage in substantive dialogue, he told POLITICO.
“It’s merely political maneuvering that hinders Brussels,” he remarked. “‘You’re my ally. You’re not. I want to collaborate with you, but not with you.’ It’s childish.”
A capital liability
The overcomplicated political structure befuddles and annoys even Belgian citizens.
In simple terms, Brussels is one of Belgium’s three regions, alongside French-speaking Wallonia in the south and Dutch-speaking Flanders in the north, which surrounds the city. Each region has its government responsible for housing, transport, and economic policy.
As Belgium struggles to comply with EU-mandated spending cuts, Brussels’ debt has become a “liability for the entire country,” according to Dave Sinardet, a political science professor at the Free University of Brussels.
Conditions could deteriorate further. The region’s credit rating may face a downgrade by summer, which would increase borrowing costs, exacerbating the debt situation, warns caretaker Budget Minister Sven Gatz.
Sinardet indicated that such a scenario might at least apply pressure to finally establish a government. However, others are less hopeful.
The centrist Les Engagés party has proposed reducing the salaries of Brussels politicians by 30 percent until a government is formed, and 40 percent if no government is in place by June.
French vs. Dutch = stalemate
Currently, even the latest approach—a minority government—appears unlikely, as it would still require the approval of a parliamentary majority to function and for every decision made thereafter.
While it may not be the ideal solution to address Brussels’ challenges, “a minority government would still be better equipped than no government at all,” De Beukelaer stated.
The current situation arose because, although Dutch speakers outnumber French-speaking Walloons nationally, the reverse is true in Brussels. Thus, to ensure Dutch-speaking representation, the Brussels government must include a majority from both language groups. Parties from both sides must agree before entering into a comprehensive coalition agreement.
After the June elections, reaching an agreement on the French-speaking side was relatively straightforward. The center-right MR swiftly became the largest French-speaking party in Brussels and formed a coalition with the Socialist Party and Les Engagés.
Conversely, the Flemish Greens secured the Dutch-speaking vote and, in November, finalized an accord with the socialist Vooruit, the liberal Open VLD, and the Flemish-nationalist N-VA, the party led by Belgium’s new Prime Minister Bart De Wever.
The anticipation of victory was short-lived. The French-speaking socialists refused to govern with the Flemish nationalists, while the Open VLD liberals insisted on including the Flemish nationalists in governance.
The French speakers are “deceiving themselves” if they believe they can resolve Brussels’ issues without collaborating with the Flemish nationalists who lead the federal government, Open VLD’s chief negotiator, Frédéric De Gucht, remarked.
Ahmed Laaouej, president of the Brussels Socialist Party, did not reply to a request for an interview. In an Instagram video posted last week, he labeled the Flemish nationalists as a “separatist, anti-Brussels, and anti-diversity party,” asserting that their involvement in a Brussels government would signify “disrespect for the Brussels region and its interests.”
No one is willing to concede.
Pressing the nuclear button
Belgium is divided into three regions, while Brussels itself is fragmented into 19 municipalities, each with its mayor overseeing six police forces.
As crime and violence escalate, Belgium’s federal government has proposed merging these forces into a single entity. Predictably, Brussels politicians have criticized this decision.
They argue that the police’s real dilemma lies not in the complex structure but in a lack of national funding, contending that a merger risks alienating the police from the residents of Brussels.
As a reflection of the bitter linguistic divide, some, like Défi’s François De Smet, accuse the new national government of imposing a Flemish-nationalist agenda against the will of Brussels.
Flemish parties maintain that the proposal is logical. Similar to a decision to channel all police calls through a unified dispatch system, “you don’t need to be a Flemish nationalist to understand that’s a more efficient approach,” Open VLD’s De Gucht stated.
In this stalemate, concerns about Brussels’ autonomy continue to grow.
The president of the MR party, Georges-Louis Bouchez, has threatened that if Brussels fails to organize itself, it could fall under federal government control.
This would be akin to triggering a nuclear option. However, the legality of such a move is deemed “fiction,” according to Sinardet. In theory, the federal government could condition additional payments to Brussels on specific measures, similar to how the EU compelled Greece to implement reforms in exchange for a bailout, he remarked.
As recently as early Friday morning, another shooting occurred in the south-west of the city.
Eventually, the turmoil in Brussels will necessitate action. However, that moment has yet to arrive.
“I’m embarrassed by the political circus,” De Beukelaer lamented.
