BRUSSELS — A group of EU governments is seeking a solution to prevent Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán from vetoing crucial Russian sanctions. The strategy involves transposing EU-wide sanctions into national law, thus bypassing the need for European consensus.
Six diplomats have confirmed that at least half a dozen capitals are advocating this joint effort. This approach could significantly limit Hungary’s ability to block the renewal of sanctions, which currently requires unanimous support from all EU member states every six months.
“We all — member states and institutions — need to be in the mindset where we know it’s possible sanctions won’t be renewed,” stated one diplomat, who requested anonymity due to the confidential nature of discussions. “We must ensure that the entire sanctions regime remains resilient.”
Notably, the nations considering this shift include Belgium and the Czech Republic, which have historically been hesitant to impose restrictions outside of the EU framework.
Though not all governments are likely to endorse this plan, if key countries proceed, it could diminish the impact of any future vetoes by Hungary.
Only a limited number of frontline nations bordering Russia have implemented unilateral sanctions thus far, but diplomats indicate that a broader array of capitals is now contemplating their own measures against Russia.
Orbán has frequently threatened to use his veto power, jeopardizing unrelated EU initiatives. He has committed to blocking sanctions against Russian oil, gas, and nuclear technology, despite warnings that a return to buying sanctioned Russian energy would be a detrimental mistake.
In January, a dramatic standoff occurred when the Hungarian delegation refused to approve the renewal of restrictions, nearly allowing billions of dollars to flow back to Moscow. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio privately urged Budapest to relent, and ultimately, the rollover was approved.
Shaking the Foundations of EU Policy
On Monday, Europe’s foreign ministers convened in Brussels to prepare for another round of EU-wide restrictions, marking the 17th set of sanctions imposed on Moscow since its large-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.
Hungary’s refusal to endorse the conclusions regarding Russia’s actions in Ukraine during the last gathering of European leaders in March has reignited discussions on how to address Budapest’s opposition to essential aspects of EU foreign policy.
“Yes: If our usual suspect [Hungary] is creating a huge problem, then there will be ways to circumvent that,” remarked a third EU diplomat. “If a certain member state attempts to block the sanctions rollover, it could lead to a very serious situation.”
Germany’s incoming ruling coalition is also advocating for a stricter approach toward countries that violate EU rule of law, which may include revoking their voting rights — a move seemingly directed at Budapest.
However, member states remain divided on how this plan could be implemented. While some EU diplomats see the shift of key policymaking from Brussels to national levels as a practical solution, Ukraine’s allies in Europe are wary of actions that could undermine a united front, particularly in light of U.S. President Donald Trump’s unilateral attempts to normalize relations with the Kremlin.
A fourth diplomat confirmed that “legal work” is underway to navigate around Hungary’s veto power, although some countries lack the capacity to transpose sanctions into national law. A fragmented approach could prove weaker than the collective strength of EU regulations.
Czech Foreign Minister Jan Lipavský downplayed the likelihood of eliminating the requirement for all 27 member states to agree on critical foreign policy issues. “If you don’t have veto power over your core interests — and this applies not only to Hungary but many other states — I believe Europe could easily become significantly weaker,” he noted.
According to Lipavský, “one of the conclusions” from the ongoing confrontations with Orbán is that more decisions will be made by a “coalition of the willing” — a loose alliance of European nations formed to support Ukraine politically and militarily. “This might highlight a failure of common foreign policy within EU institutions,” he added, “but our focus should be on finding a political resolution.”
“Orbán has opted for isolation and a path of ‘illiberal democracy,’ acting against the clear interests of the EU and Hungary,” remarked a fifth diplomat. “He has been offered numerous opportunities but has consistently rejected cooperation. The security of Europe is too critical to be negotiated with an individual who perceives issues in stark contrast to the consensus.”
Last month, Lithuanian Foreign Minister Kęstutis Budrys indicated that individual member states could pursue “national solutions” to prevent the flow of Russian funds and goods once more.
“Not many countries have national legislation for restrictive measures. In Lithuania, we do, but we require clarity on the legal implications of expanding those to sectoral sanctions,” Budrys stated. “But this raises the question: what is the EU for then?”
